When it comes to talent at the top, Indonesians have to wait.
By Joe Cochrane
Newsweek International. March 8 issue.
When she was appointed regent of the central Java district of Kebuman four years ago, Rustriningsih did a very unusual thing for an Indonesian official: she refused to take bribes. Instead, the 36-year-old, who like many Indonesians goes by one name, began building one of the country's cleanest and most transparent provincial governments. Today she is the most popular figure in her district of 1.2 million and the perfect candidate for national Parliament elections next month. The only problem is she's not running. " I would have limited powers to change things at the national level, "says Rustriningsih," but at the [provincial] level I am leading the fight against corruption."
The ouster of authoritarian president Suharto in 1998 filled many Indonesians with hope. A year later the country celebrated its first free election in four decades. But five years on, hope seems to have been replaced with resignation. Although the country has largely recovered from the 1997 financial crisis, Suharto's Golkar Party remains a key player in Parliament and the cabinet, the judiciary and civil service are still rife with corruption and the armed forces have regained their political influence n the capital, as well as economic clout in the provinces. Heading into the April 5 polls, and the nation's first direct presidential election in July, Indonesian voters remain stuck choosing among an entrenched group of national political figures largely associated with corruption, incompetence or human-rights abuses.
Consider the current crop of candidates: a former housewife with questionable leadership skills (President Megawati Sukarnoputri), a Muslim politician who once counted the country's top terrorist suspect as his friend (Vice President Hamzah Haz), a retired Army general indicted for war crimes by United Nations prosecutors in East Timor (former armed forces chief Wiranto), a former president removed for alleged corruption and incompetence (Abdurrahman Wahid) and a Parliament speaker who has been dogged by allegations of embezzlement (Akbar Tanjung). Some have already written off the upcoming polls in hope that new leadership will emerge for the next set of elections in 2009. " The field is not so inspiring," says Wimar Witoelar, a prominent political commentator. " It's more of the same people."
Some have already written off the polls, hoping new leaders will emerge in 2009.
The most enduring legacy of Suharto's 32-year rule may be this leadership vacuum. The strongman regularly had anyone who proved to be politically ambitious shunted aside. And the so-called democratic reformers who were ushered into power in 1999 have failed to cultivate a new generation of leaders, let alone clean house among the old political elite. Although successive governments have passed anti-corruption laws and created investigative commissions, they are considered paper tigers. Worse, under Megawati, all inquiries into the Suharto family—including of the man himself—were halted. Without strong political backing from Jakarta, it's hardly surprising that the reform movement collapsed or that more inspiring figures haven't risen from the grass roots. " In such a situation, it's very difficult to find new leaders," says political analyst Salim Said. "I do hope that two or three elections from now... we can have a leader who started from down below."
That's where some international donors are placing their bets. The World Bank is providing hundreds of millions of dollars in funding and assistance to local governments that, in their view, are seeking transparency, public participation and an end to corruption. Among Indonesia's 430 provincial districts, they've identified a small number of untainted, reform-minded regents — called bupati — whose good work they hope will spark a " trickle-up effect " that encourages clean government at the national level. For example, in Kebuman district, Rustriningsih hosts a daily radio call-in show and broadcasts her mobile-phone number so constituents can call up with complaints and suggestions. In Solok, south Sumatra, regent Gamawan Fauzi has sacked several civil servants for corruption, and has begun home mail delivery to rural villages. He regularly appears on Jakarta talks shows and attends international anticorruption conferences. Says Rustriningsih, " I want to change everything by my own hand, so one day I can be influential on the national level."
It will take more than savvy public relations to shake up Indonesian politics. Most provincial officials are beholden to their parties, and are required to " donate " a portion of their salaries in exchange for posts. But that may be changing, too. Beginning next year, provincial regents will be directly elected, which, analysts say, will both broaden their political base and make them less dependent on party connections. And that may finally give politicians like Rustriningsih the chance to shake things up — for good.
With Peter Jannsen.
